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Nor did any revelations about his past or the reaction to his incendiary question change anything.
Never, he maintains, has he written anything anti-gay himself, though his gay critics say his animus is more subtle than that—a matter of his choice of words and the disproportionate weight he gives to right-wing anti-gay voices. Gannon is maddeningly coy about many other things as well. He volunteers that his story is more complex than described, involving secret work for which he needed security clearance, then refuses to elaborate. But even here, he hedges.
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He implies that he never actually worked as an escort, despite the fact that he advertised himself as one. On such and such a date, I did this! You bet! Gannon was raised in Cochranton, Pennsylvania, a small town in the northwestern corner of the state, by a family of union-oriented, Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy Democrats. When James was in high school, the Guckerts moved to Conneaut Lake, a resort town 17 miles to the northwest.
His classmates remember him as intelligent, charismatic, self-centered, manipulative. He was voted student-council president and best dancer, played football, and edited the school paper and yearbook; he wore his hair long in the style of that era, like the sixth member of the Dave Clark Five. For college he went diagonally across Pennsylvania to West Chester State College, near Philadelphia, where he joined a fraternity and wrote on sports for the school newspaper.
He then spent several years working for a prominent local landscaper and horticulturist, who in arranged flowers for one of George H. Politically, he drifted rightward. Eventually, Gannon got into liquor distribution in Delaware, both for others and for himself. The business he partly owned went belly-up.
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In the late s he went to work running the office and keeping accounts for an old friend, Randy McFarland, who was setting up an auto-body shop in West Chester. At some point, unbeknownst to his colleagues, Gannon branched into escort work, primarily in the Philadelphia—Wilmington—Washington, D. Shortly thereafter, he registered—for someone else, he has said—the names hotmilitarystud.
Gannon was also becoming increasingly political, and vocal, writing op-eds for various conservative Web sites. Mostly, it was a commercial thing, for his fledgling media career. Sometime near the beginning of , Gannon gave notice at the auto-body shop. He told McFarland, among others, that he was taking a job with a subcontractor for the Department of Defense, something for which he would need security clearance. For someone of conspicuous patriotism, with a fascination for things military, it seemed a good fit. In fact, Gannon was still in Delaware, though he drove to the Capitol on September 12 just to express his solidarity with his embattled country.
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The attacks, he said, only heightened his resolve to straighten out his life and contribute to the commonwealth. Now he intensified his writing, and, to clean his slate completely, moved to Washington, D. Though his escort business seemed to be tapering off and some of those Web sites went off-line, the two livelihoods apparently overlapped on occasion: Eberle was looking to start a national news service and, after meeting Gannon during a Washington, D. It was a shoestring operation: It was for Gopusa.
Gannon says it took him some time to obtain the pass, forced as he was to navigate the White House bureaucracy, but he is evasive on just how long, or with whom he dealt, or who finally let him in.
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Perhaps the story ends there. In retrospect, we all obviously should have paid more attention to the guy. Day after day, he kept getting his day pass. This requires, among other things, that the online publication for which one works must charge a subscription fee or earn advertising income; that its reporters cannot be political partisans or lobbyists; and, that all of its correspondents must earn their principal income from the publication.
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We wondered whether, following the Gannon affair, the White House would tighten up the rule for day passes—to prove that Gannon was a fluke—or would keep things loose, to prove his easy passage was hardly exceptional. From what we could tell, it was the second. There were the pro-Bush stories: Then there were the anti-Democratic stories: The Daschle campaign spread the word, but no reporters bit. Gannon was as predictable in the White House briefings as he was online. He defended the war in Iraq, suggested that the torture at Abu Ghraib might not be as unwarranted as it appeared, attacked Kerry and other Democrats and the mainstream media.
When he was critical of the Bush administration, it was only for being insufficiently committed to conservative causes, or for failing to defend itself properly, or for kowtowing to its enemies. A few reporters complained, but most were indifferent. Even on the right, Gannon was not alone; joining him was Les Kinsolving, a Baltimore radio commentator who regularly excoriates gays.
Such characters have proliferated in recent years as the briefings became both televised and, therefore, more enticing to people with axes to grind and largely substance-free, particularly in this administration, discouraging many mainstream reporters from even showing up. Still, some reporters kept their distance, especially when Gannon wanted something. The question is whether someone big was helping this guy, and who. He was like a newborn baby, full of glee and giddiness, always with a smile on his face and always laughing.
David Brock, the former right-wing writer who now runs Media Matters for America, a group monitoring the conservative press, was watching the presidential briefing on January 26 when Gannon asked his now famous question. Brock asked his researchers to find out who Gannon and Talon News were. The next day, Media Matters noted that Gannon, who had accused other reporters of working from Democratic talking points, had lifted more than half of two articles under his byline from Republican press releases.
Instantaneously, a couple hundred joined in the hunt. In the meantime, people scoured the Internet for information on him before Talon News and Gopusa, suddenly embarrassed by their ties to Gannon, erased his articles from their sites. On February 8, Gannon says, he resigned from Talon News. The White House has yet to respond, but the Department of Homeland Security has pledged to collect the relevant documents. Available for hourly, overnight, weekend, or longer travel.
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Some gay groups are discomfited by the outing onslaught visited upon Gannon. On March 24, Propagannon posted that Gannon had never been a Marine—a fact that Gannon himself now readily admits, and which, more remarkably, he says he never claimed.
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But as time passed, Gannon came to seem, to at least some of the bloggers, as more like a freelance zealot than the linchpin of some much larger conspiracy. Interest in him waned and some of them even came to feel sorry for him, at least until he uttered his latest outrage. Creeping yuppiedom is enveloping it; what was once the bar next door now advertises shrimp with saffron and orange on the blackboard outside. Parishioners, 80 percent of whom are black, have been priced out of the neighborhood and have a hard time parking when they come back.
Walk-in traffic is sparse, especially for the Wednesday-night service. Gannon, a red hymnal in his hand, arrived a minute or two late one recent Wednesday, but there was good cause: He is one of 6 people, 3 white and 3 black, in the hall, which holds A few blocks away, past a pocket park—Gannon dumps his coffee grounds there once a week to feed the conifers, and lobbied to plant marigolds and begonias—is his simple ground-floor apartment. In one corner of his bookcase, near a portrait of Jesus, is a mini-library on the Marines: Marine Corps Battle Color Ceremony. A laminated photo of the Iwo Jima memorial, along with his Christmas picture with the Bushes, he uses as coasters.
If you want a friend in Washington, Harry Truman famously said, get a dog.
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Gannon did Truman one better, bringing Winston with him, and it turned out to be a wise move. I could have picked someone up at a bar my tried-and-true tactic. I could have even asked my gay friend to accompany me and fake being a straight dude for the night -- but those options were too easy. If I was going to do this, I was going to do this right. Yes, you read that correctly.